A year has passed, in two days the calendar will shout “Seventh to October”. The media will be filled with interrogations and interviews, and it is appropriate that we, the activists of “Look the Occupation in the Eyes”, should summarize the year from our point of view.
Looking back, to the months leading up to the disaster, brings us back to thoughts and activities within the framework of social protest. We thought the occupation was the fundamental cause of trying to abolish democracy. We have clearly seen that the main motive for government action in all areas is the desire to perpetuate the occupation and complete the transformation of Israel into a theocracy based on the humiliation of the Palestinians and the perpetuation of their inferiority. It was clear that this approach was not only unjust, but that it would inevitably lead to the perpetuation of violence and “life on the sword” for generations.
We understood that it was our job to prove this simple truth among the people of protest and among the Israelis who oppose the attempts of the right-wing government. We have acted intensively in all areas of our work — protesting in Kaplan and throughout the country, on social media, protecting the communities in “our” territory in the south of the Valley and in the Elon Road area, and acting in front of the international community. Our voice gradually increased and the message grew stronger. Although we were unable to persuade the organisers of the main protest to bring him centre stage, our attendance increased from week to week.
We have acted intensively in all areas of our work — protesting in Kaplan and throughout the country, on social media, in protecting the communities in “our” territory in the south of the Valley and in the Elon Road area
Then, like all Israelis, disaster landed on us. Happened what we expected would happen, but in scope and intensity several times worse than any horror script. From then until now, the state of the country has been deteriorating in every aspect that is examined, but we are convinced that the path to rectification is through the end of the war and the entry into a political process involving the Palestinians. A process that will lead, ultimately, to the end of the conflict.
Within us arose a series of wonders and perplexities, and alongside them arguments and anger. There was no doubt that our message was even more valid, and yet the question arose of whether to carry it in an outdoor head or to humiliate it. Wouldn't the anger and desire for revenge in large sections of the public deafen the ears of hearing a complex message?
A debate arose between us about whether it was right to call an end to the war. Some of us thought the war was justified and a necessity to hurt Hamas, another part wanted to join other left-wing organizations and call for its end
A debate arose between us about whether it was right to call an end to the war. Some of us thought the war was justified and a necessity to hurt Hamas, another part wanted to join other left-wing organizations and call for its end. At the same time, we were shocked by the unbridled impact on the people of Gaza, which most of the public turned a blind eye to. Are we the ones who need to highlight the terrible harm to civilians and children, or stick and focus on the anti-occupation message? Wouldn't the raising of the anti-occupation message be harmed in the effort to formulate a broad public consensus for the return of the kidnapped? How will the message be received among the families of the kidnapped? Finally we were able to reach agreements and common ground between us. Unfortunately, some activists disagreed with the decisions and retired from activities, but others joined and our numbers did not decrease.
Those who were not at all undecided were the settlers, who took advantage of the events to deepen the promotion of the Messianic ideology and their overall plan. At this time they focused their efforts on the school areas of the West Bank.
In the territories where we operated the settler effort was initially evident mainly in the area south of Elon Road. There was a nefarious effort to drive out the herding communities in the area. Settler activity there started before the war, but intensified significantly immediately upon its beginning. The Cavon community, with which we had been in contact and had a partial presence, was expelled on the eve of the war, on August 23. The Ain Samia community was expelled already before, in May. Two larger and more powerful communities remain -- Wad a Sik and Ain Rashash. Both were attacked and threatened intensely. We were able to mobilize the troops and maintain a protective presence in them, but Wad a Sik was finally expelled on October 12. This happened during a violent event, in which settlers accompanied by army and police forces conducted a pogrom in the community space. On the same day, Israeli activists were also hit and arrested, alongside many Palestinians. Ein Rashash lasted for about two more weeks, while we were continuously present in it during all hours of the day and throughout the week. It was a brief period of cooperation with this impressive community, but in the end they too did not withstand the pressure and abandoned their residence. The expulsion of the communities caused great grief and despair for many of us. The images of families loading their carts onto wagons and becoming refugees echoed for us other images from previous generations, above the darkness of the abyss.
The community of Wad a Sik was finally expelled on October 12, in a violent incident, in which settlers accompanied by army and police forces conducted a pogrom in the community space
Another settler effort was conducted in the southern Jordan Valley. The people of Nu'aima, whom we had accompanied for years, were gradually blocked from going out into the pasture and stopped asking for our escort. The exit to pasture of the people of Maarjat was also gradually blocked. For more than a year we accompanied them every morning to pasture. They went out into the open spaces with large herds we put thousands of flocks. But gradually they too were no longer allowed out into the large area across the road north of them. Another community in the area, with whom we were in loose contact -- Ras Al Ain -- asked for our escort and protection as a result of circumstances. Their pasture was also gradually reduced, and in the summer another settlement was established in their area, the task of which was to make them miserable and all the Palestinians who come to rest and wade in the Ujah spring, the slide and the water canal.
The expulsion of the communities caused great grief and despair for many of us. The images of families loading their carts on trolleys and becoming refugees echoed for us images above the darkness of the abyss
We have begun to have an unbroken garden presence in both of these communities. We stand by this, against all the difficulties, including violent attacks by settlers, arrests of activists and Palestinians, robbery of sheep, property damage, intimidation and lies aimed at incriminating and arresting us. The communities are determined to survive and we are firm. The effort in this area proves that even if it is impossible to stop the occupation and turn the ship's direction, it is possible with a focused effort, in a specific place, to make the situation less bad. On top of that — the effort brings relatively wide media interest, both from international and Israeli press. We are trying to promote interest in the region and what is happening in it by expanding knowledge and deepening understanding among the public.
After a few weeks after the Hamas attack, the protest in Kaplan returned and we, too, returned to action within it. The general messages changed, the central demand among the protesters focused on the replacement of the government and the return of the kidnapped. We returned to demonstrate alongside the Great Demonstration with the message that the occupation is the root of evil, also the root of the events of 7.10. We have added messages concerning the cessation of the war, the return of the kidnapped and the exploitation of the situation created for a political process that will lead to the resumption of the political process with the Palestinians. Again we experienced angry reactions as at the beginning of the protest, however gradually the message became part of the “street” of the protest. Our stickers are distributed in their thousands, the shirts are bought and worn and the signs are carried by many. At almost every point in the protest you can see someone carrying our symbol on his body, although on the stages the organizers are still afraid to mention the root of the evil. We cooperated with various efforts to overthrow the government and migrated for this purpose to Jerusalem and Caesarea. We also returned to holding the “camp” on Thursdays resolutely and continuously, trying to talk and explain our position to the passers-by.
After a few months, we also returned to the weekly presence at Zayatra Junction on Fridays. We witness the occupation there in the heart of the occupied territory, in front of the angry faces of the settlers and the surprised and smiling faces of the Palestinians.
We are also trying to expand our activities internationally, both in front of the courts in The Hague, both in front of the media and in front of various transnational bodies operating in the country, for example on the issue of sanctions.
We continue to work intensively in the media, to present and promote our various activities and to express our opinions on the issues at hand. Our messages and publications are exposed to tens of thousands of people.
In recent weeks, the war has expanded to the North as well. And in recent days, to Iran as well. Most of the Israeli public is still stuck in the idea that everything can be solved by force, and that whatever goes by force, more power will go. It is still early to tell what the face of things will be and how the protest will be affected. How will this affect the effort to overthrow the government, how will the message of the necessity to end the war be absorbed through a political process, of which the Palestinians will be a part. Our place as someone who shouts against the current the feasibility of the other option is critical.
One can perhaps draw some encouragement from the strengthening of the international effort and hope that if the right side wins the elections in the United States we will see some relief, but it is difficult to assume that the trend will change radically. Carrying the flag of resistance to the occupation and striving for a political process will add up to being the domain of a minority, and we will also be a significant and active part of that minority.
We will remain a small and determined organization, whose influence is considerably wider in size and whose strength is far greater than the sum of its parts. We will prepare that the difficulties of our activities will increase and increase, as part of the effort to stifle expression of position and harm those who do not align. We will continue to do our best to prove the occupation and demand progress to end to save Israel from itself. Even if we don't succeed, at least we can tell our grandchildren and ourselves that we were on the right side of the precipice.
